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Nicolson: Final ThoughtsWorld War II: Nicolson was in the "Churchill group" that met to decide how to make Chamberlain take a tougher line on Hitler, and how to prepare for war. He was also in a small group that was apparently all Tories except for him. (He was still National Labour at the time; a diminishing group that remained loyal to Ramsay MacDonald while Atlee led the "real" Labour Party). Famous members of the group were Anthony Eden and Harold Macmillan--both future Prime Ministers--and Duff Cooper. May 31, 1939:
His delivery was amazing. One could feel the spirit of the House rising with every word. In those 20 minutes Churchill brought himself nearer the post of Prime Minister than he has ever been before. Nicolson earlier refers to Churchill, still not in Cabinet, as "the old lion." There is some moving stuff about how difficult it was to stay in London during the bombing, hearing terrible news for the first two years or more of war. Something the Instapundit crowd might enjoy: July 10, 1940: [blockquote]I told the Queen [wife of George VI, later famous Queen Mother] today that I got homesick and she said, "But that is right. That is personal patriotism. That is what keeps us going. I should die if I had to leave." She also told me that she is being instructed every mornig how to fire a revolver. I expressed surprise. "Yes," she said, "I shall not go down like the others." I cannot tell you how superb she was. But I anticipated her charm. What astonished me is how the King has changed....He was so gay and she was so calm. They did me all the good in the world.[/blockquote] Nicolson hates dirty books: something about a dog by Dylan Thomas, the letters of Virginia Woolf and Lytton Strachey, and Lolita. On the later, HN and Vita write jointly to the publisher, saying his reputation will suffer for publishing this. (Thus confirming that they were Edwardian, not Bloomsbury). Modernity: Process over Substance?Tying together what I've said about punishment vs. retribution, and then the Schiavo case: I guess the genius of modernity has always been in putting process over substance. Instead of "what is the good/best life?," what is the soul, what is virtue, what does God want--the big substance questions which had caused instability, doubt, and wars--there is an emphasis on how to make progress that is more or less non-controversial, i.e. material comfort. Technology is more and more dazzling, but it notoriously answers the question of how, not why. Talk RadioThere is a great article in Atlantic (April 2005) (subscription). (I'm still getting to the Rehnquist article).
It should be conceded that there is at least one real and refreshing journalistic advantage that bloggers, fringe-cable newsmen, and most talk-radio hosts have over the mainstream media: they are neither the friends nor the peers of the public officials they cover. [snip, quoting Eric Alterman, What Liberal Media?] [blockquote]No longer the working-class heroes of The Front Page/His Gal Friday lore, elite journalists in Washington and New York [and LA] are rock-solid members of the political and financial Establishment about whom they write. They dine at the same restaurants and take their vacations on the same Caribbean islands ... What's more, like the politicians, their jobs are not subject to export to China or Bangladesh.[/blockquote] [blockquote][Wallace] ... talk radio is very deliberately not part of this elite media. With the exception of Limbaugh and maybe Hannity, these hosts are not stars, or millionaires, or sophisticates. And a large part of their on-air persona is that they are of and for their audience--the Little Guy--and against corrupt, incompetent pols and their "spokesholes," against smooth-talking lawyers and PC whiners and idiot bureaucrats, against illegal aliens clogging our highways and emergency rooms, paroled sex offenders living among us, punitive vehicle taxes, and stupid, slef-righteous, agenda-laden laws against public smoking, SUV emissions, gun ownership, the right to watch the Nick Berg decapitation video over and over in slow motion, etc.[/blockquote] Some of the studies of the audience for angry talk radio suggests that a kind of fearful loner is a big part of it. Wallace also says liberals don't need alternate media--they're pretty happy with mainstream media, unlike the cranky people described above. Ziegler himself has had some scarifying disappointments in his career; he started out in a white collar or successful blue collar family, got to college (hence his articulateness), but ends up hustling for jobs that are likely to be short term, and moving a lot. He says political correctness (i.e. objections to things he has said on air) has made it impossible to have a lasting relationship, or start a family. Ziegler is probably more of a populist, working in a ruthlessly money-making business, than a conservative. But what is amazing, at least to liberals, is how this business has grown. Until Reagan ended the Fairness Doctrine, the doctrine was often used to get conservatives some token time on the air. Now they are at home in very popular media. I think this can open up reflection on the forturnes of the Democrats and the Republicans. The mainstream media grew with liberals, or people who aspired to kick off their roots and become liberals, in charge. They knew that much of the audience was not with the program--too bigoted, too religious, too skeptical of fashionable causes such as affirmative action and abortion--but they were confident that they were on the side of history, and the peasants, as it were, would more or less follow. This thinking seemed justified as fortunes were made dishing out media, in a somewhat condescending fashion, from superior folks in suits to the masses. For everyone, in the 50s and 60s, there seemed to be hope--hope that the economy would keep growing, that the need for violence could be eliminated, that parents could learn to accept their hippie children. But now the masses are angrier, or more prepared to show their anger. Maybe fear has become a more prevalent emotion than hope. Maybe this is, er, more like the common or natural human situation. In which case liberals, hoping to get back to the 60s, are truly out of it--and so are the media they dominate. Michael Barone is explaining how some of the core Democrats are actually "trust-fund liberals," who have inherited their wealth, and have virtually nothing in common with people either working or shopping at Walmart. (Via Instapundit). Democrats are stressing that the economy is tougher on a lot of working people than it used to be--security and benefits are less likely, there's a lot of forced moving, adjusting, anxiety, and fear--for one's family if any as well as oneself. Why don't Americans facing economic insecurity vote for unions and a social democratic government? I don't know--but they didn't really do that even in the Great Depression, when many people hoped they would move to either the radical left or the radical right. Somehow, today, with the temperature, as it were, just gradually getting warming around the frog, it seems the frog gets angry and becomes a bit more likely to vote Republican--even though Republicans might favour policies that make life even more insecure for a lot of talk radio listeners. Schiavo SynopsisI still think the people Kaus calls the anti-tubists are trying to answer a substance question with one or more process answers. The substance question: is a human being with some consciousness alive, such that it would ordinarily be wrong to kill her? If the answer is "yes," then even a living will is a process answer, to say nothing of power of attorney, court precedents, states' rights, federalism, the consistency of positions held by parties/individuals.
NRO: As you know, there's some question about what Terri Schiavo's wishes were or would be now. How much should turn on this question? [blockquote]George: It is the wrong question. It is pointless to ask whether Terri Schiavo had somehow formed a conditional intention to have herself starved to death if eventually she found herself in a brain-damaged condition. ...[snip][/blockquote] Even if we were to credit Michael Schiavo's account of his conversation with Terri before her injury — which I am not inclined to do — it is a mistake to assume that people can make decisions in advance about whether to have themselves starved to death if they eventually find themselves disabled. That's why living wills have proven to be so often unreliable. One does not know how one will actually feel, or how one will feel about one's life and the prospect of death, or whether one will retain a desire to live despite a mental or physical disability, when one is not actually in that condition and when one is envisaging it from the perspective of more or less robust health. Consider the case of a beautiful young woman — an actress or fashion model perhaps — who is severely burned in a fire. Prior to actually finding herself in such a condition, she might have supposed — and even said, if the subject had come up in a conversation — that she would rather be dead than live with her face grotesquely disfigured. But no one would be surprised if in the actual event she did not try to kill herself by starvation or some other means, and did not want to die. In other words: in actual medical situations, do you really want to take away the discretion of medical people by having a signed document waved and someone saying: no way! Robertson dies in an hour! It says so right here! See also James Q. Wilson (via The Corner). Also this great piece on Slate by Harriet McBryde Johnson, a very able person with some disabilities, who is fed through a tube. (Pro-choice/anti-tube pieces by Dahlia Lithwick and Ronald Bailey at Hit and Run). Obviously, there is a lot of fear of either oneself or a loved one being "stuck" in some situation that looks like death, with fanatical doctors or hospitals "refusing to let you die." I don't think this is very common, and I'm not sure it's helpful to use the language of Thomas Aquinas and say "a lot of what they do now is heroic, and can morally be stopped at any time." Isn't it odd to find the very few issues on which progressive intellectuals bring up Aquinas? No fetal life until quickening, and now this? Which of course is related. There is a living being, apparently a member of homo sapiens, who somehow doesn't make the checklist of humanity--so all treatment (even if this is only food and water) can be stopped. Saying "all that matters is who gets to choose" is a process answer to a substance question, and it may make us seem insane in the history books. "We honestly didn't know whether it was human beings we were killing or not--you'd have to know a lot of metaphysics and theology to answer that question, and let's face it, those folks never come up with a definite answer. What we were absolutely sure of was: some individuals had the right to kill these beings, for virtually any reason or no reason." The brain scan: our daughter had a pretty good brain scan at birth except for the cerebellum--which normally controls the most automatic or non-rational functions, such as balance. Her head was always small, and she always (for 16 years) showed very little awareness. Another girl we knew had a terrible brain scan at birth--big areas of fluid. Today she is going to school, talking, walking, a real member of the community. (See also official comments by medical experts (who disagree) here. States rights: isn't this always a process answer to a substance question? "States rights" was the default position of the anti-Federalists, who had a vague or incoherent notion that state legislatures, being closer to the people (i.e. local majorities) would somehow be more protective of individual liberties (i.e., in practice, minorities). The doctrine has been used, notoriously, by defenders of slavery, Jim Crow, and farm subsidies. Non-racist, non-farming conservatives were drawn to it when they objected to the "liberal" initiatives of Congress and the Supreme Court. Now liberals may be drawn to it as the Republicans control Washington. Hasn't it always been about justice, the protection of group identities and individual rights? (Marshall's federalism/commerce decisions weren't procedural, or based on some close reading of the Constitution; he wanted a United States that was both strong and patriotic, not divided by local loyalties. Taney, following on the later Jefferson and Madison, was more sympathetic to local loyalties per se because of slavery). UPDATE: Instapundit: "I thought conservatives were supposed to care about the law, but I see a lot of people being as result-oriented as, well, liberals are supposed to be . . . ." My suggestion: we may be seeing an open movement from "substantive due process" and even "substantive equal protection," which have largely been liberal causes, to "substantive federalism" or "substantive federal power," which may be more of a conservative Republican cause. I would just question whether there has ever been more than a few people who care about process--whether federalism or whatever--as such. The Libertarian party gets very few votes. UPDATE: Of course, in addition to the issue of "Permanent Vegetative State" (which seems like schoolyard language), whether the diagnosis is overused and whether it is ever really precise, there are issues of brain death and organ transplantation. (See also Bailey again). Gosh, if we make sure there's total brain death we, er, might not be able to harvest organs. Bill Frist, in his days as a transplant surgeon, recommended using "anencephalic babies"--much worse off than Terri Schiavo--contrary to the view of many pro-lifers. (Via Atrios). UPDATE: My sister-in-law has reminded us by e-mail that when my father-in-law was dying of cancer (in his 70s), he was offered a feeding tube, and he refused. This seems to me a perfectly sane thing for him to do--an example of letting nature take its course for someone who was elderly, frail, in pain, and fact dying. (He had two courses of cancer; it seemed for a while it was in remission, then he went downhill extremely quickly). It is presumably in this kind of case that a Republican family doctor would either not insert a feeding tube, or indeed withdraw one. UPDATE: And let's not forget tiny human embryos, such as those that have been preserved by IVF clinics, which may be used for stem cell research. (Also a couple of pieces on this on the Corner). The Right to Suicide?Somewhat to my amazement, a (male) student came up to me before class, when I was still busy with my notes, the board and what not. "I'm really not comfortable talking in class, but there's something I want to say. Locke says individual rights are basic to government, but there's no right to suicide. His thought is the foundation of the U.S. Constitution, and a lot of American thought. Isn't it time to re-consider a right to suicide? The Schiavo case (he had trouble with the name) is really bothering me."
Nicolson: Approaching the EndThe older he gets, and the clearer it is that he really hasn't accomplished his major goals, the funnier he is. Maybe this is the secret of a great diarist: a strong sense of personal failure, a certain amount of malice and spite directed at people who were (perhaps undeservedly) more successful; and of course, real intelligence, and interest in a lot of things including conversation.
At the Beefsteak there is an American called Colonel Matthews. I beg him that when he returns to New York he will not encourage the idea that England is deluged under a flood of anti-American hatred. It isn't that. It is that we are frightened that the destinies of the world should be in the hands of a giant with the limbs of an undergraduate, the emotions of a spinster and brain of a pea-hen. Hmmm... That doesn't sound very good. How about September 28, commenting on the U.S. pushing Britain out of a Greek naval base, and in general "ousting" the Brits "out of all world authority." I mind this as I feel it is humiliating and insidious. But I also mind it since it gives grounds for anti-American feeling, which is I am sure a dangerous and quite useless state of mind. They are decent folk in every way, but they tread on traditions in a way that hurts. June 21, 1953: [blockquote][son] Ben today made a strange remark while we were discussing what an effect a private school had on little boys, and how they separated their home from their school life. "It is an effect," says Ben, "which lasts all one's life. To this day I have a horror of rendering myself conspicuous or of seeming different from other people." Considering that his hair is like that of a gollywog and his clothes noticeable the other end of Trafalgar Square, this is an odd assertion. Yet it was made in absolute sincerity, and with that naivete which is part of his compelling charm.[/blockquote] Part of what is going on here, I think, is that the older generation takes the superiority of what we call private schools for granted; the younger generation, perhaps, does not. He writes to his future daughter -in-law, April 1953: Viti says that she asked you to call her "Vita," and you must call me "Harold". That is far simpler. I always called my own beloved father-in-law "Lionel", and it seemed quite natural after the first ten years or so. A strange conversation with a French journalist, February 1950: He asked me where I was off to. I said I was going down to Windsor to study the archives. He asked whether he might enquire what was the subject of my new book. "Une biographie," I answered, "de George V." He expressed surprise that there should be any documents at Windsor about any such person. Rather puzzled, I replied that there was a whole room full of papers. "Quelle étrange personne," he said, "avec cette passion presque nymphomane pour les hommes." I was much startled by this and then found he thought I had said George Sand. April 28, 1947: Now I when young I was as happy and irresponsible as a lark. It is in my late age that happiness has become clouded. But if unhappiness comes to the young it gives them depth; coming at my age it confirms my superficiality. Terry Schiavo againA post from October 2003.
Nicolson againHarold Nicolson left the British Foreign Office when he was about 40. He had been a pretty senior person at the Embassy in Berlin. Partly he left because his wife refused to accept all the postings and travel along with him; partly he fancied a career as a man of letters. By the time he was 50, nothing had panned out all that well, and he began to think seriously about running for Parliament. He had a very junior position in Churchill's government early in the war, and then was dumped because Labour wanted one of their own people.
News Story on DrudgeNeb. Prodigy, 14, Dies in Apparent Suicide
OMAHA, Neb. -- A musical prodigy who completed high school at age 10 apparently killed himself at 14, authorities said. Brandenn E. Bremmer, who taught himself how to read at 18 months and began playing the piano at 3, was found dead Tuesday at his home in southwest Nebraska with a gunshot wound to the head, sheriff's officials said. Patricia Bremmer said her son showed no signs of depression, had just finished the art for the cover of a second CD of his music, and had plans for Wednesday. She did not disclose details of how he was found. "We're rationalizing now," she said. "He had this excessive need to help people and teach people. ... He was so connected with the spiritual world, we felt he could hear people's needs and desires and their cries. We just felt like something touched him that day and he knew he had to leave" so his organs could be donated. 1. Well, at least he lived a rich, full life. 2. HIs last words were: one more person calls me a prodigy, and I off myself. 3. "This second CD just isn't as deep as the first. Let's face it; I've peaked." Bushies Going Pre-Modern?Eugene Volokh, professor of constitutional law, has prompted some discussion. (As usual, he helpfully links to related posts).
before the Institution of Common-wealth, every man had a right to every thing, and to do whatsoever he thought necessary to his own preservation; subduing, hurting, or killing any man in order thereunto. And this is the foundation of that right of Punishing, which is exercised in every Common-wealth. For the Subjects did not give the Soveraign that right; but onely in laying down theirs, strengthened him to use his own.... But Hobbes adds an up-to-date wrinkle: "all evil which is inflicted without intention, or possibility of disposing the Delinquent, or (by his example) other men, to obey the Lawes, is not Punishment; but an act of hostility; because without such an end, no hurt done is contained under that name." (Both quotes from ch. 28 of Leviathan). The one and only legitimate purpose of punishment (by government) is deterrence. The entire pre-modern or pre-philosophic desire for personal satisfaction, retribution for specific acts against specific persons, even a punishment that somehow actually fits the crime, is to be kept out of what government does. This may be the utopian side of Hobbes's thought, and Locke is more cautious. Following Hobbes, he distinguishes punishment from reparation. He says the right of reparation belongs to the injured party--and only to that party. It is not the business of government. The "Magistrate, who by being Magistrate, hath the common right of punishing put into his hands, can often, where the publick good demands not the execution of the Law, remit the punishment of Criminal Offences by his own Authority, but yet cannot remit the satisfaction due to any private Man, for the damage he has received. That, he who has suffered the damage has a Right to demand in his own name, and he alone can remit...." Second Treatise II.11. The parties who have suffered a private injury can seek private satisfaction: the government, just as in Hobbes, should not join in such activities, involved with such motives. Here we see the difference between civil law and criminal law. Hobbes is not as willing to say: go ahead and seek private satisfaction, probably because he thought that would re-awaken the state of war. Locke: "[In the state of nature] The damnified Person has this Power of appropriating to himself, the Goods or Service of the Offender, by Right of Self-preservation"; civil suits might lead to indentured servitude? "...every man has a Power to punish the crime, to prevent its being committed again, by the Right he has of preserving all Mankind, and doing all reasonable things he can in order to that end." Locke defends capital punishment, which can be practiced by "every man in the State of Nature," but only by the magistrate once there is a government--but he only defends it for deterrence and security--future benefits for all, not correcting for what was done privately in the past. Victim impact statements are irrelevant at best, and at worst they might make the government deviate from legitimate thinking about public policy. Before these passages, in II.8, Locke emphasizes that a man can come by a (lawful) power over another in the state of nature, but only when that other has committed a trasgression. There are further restrictions: "no Absolute or Arbitrary Power, to use a Criminal when he has got him in his hands, according to the passionate heats, or boundless extravagancy of his own Will, but only to retribute to him, so far as calm reason and conscience dictates, what is proportionate to his Transgression, which is so much as may serve for Reparation and Restraint." Here he still seems to include "reparation" in punishment--"retribution" as well as "restraint" or deterrence--but at the beginning of 11 he says reparation "belongs only to the injured party." Torture by the government is not necessarily ruled out, but it certainly becomes questionable: ...every man...by the Right he hath to preserve Mankind in general, may restrain, or where it is necessary, destroy things noxious to them, and so may bring such evil on any one, who has transgressed that Law, as may make him repent the doing of it, and thereby deter him, and by his Example others, from doing the like mischief. Government can prevent that individual from transgressing again; and set an example that will prevent others from transgressing. But that is all. In Volokh's example, I suppose it is possible that torturing child molesters to death, and allowing the relatives of victims to do so, may deter some crimes--but that is not the argument Volokh relies on. Opponents of capital punishment tell us that periods of very harsh punishments have often been periods of very high rates of crime, including violent crime; even if it is not true that violent penalties incite a general brutality, and thus endanger us all, it seems that merely having harsh penalties may not reduce crime. I believe Locke is cautious in his apparent disagreement with Hobbes because he wants to provide an outlet for private desires for revenge--justified anger, overlapping with what the Greeks called thumos. Thumos as a part of the soul opens up Plato's Republic to dogs, war, and the problem that is classically summed up as "who guards the guardians"? The fact that real cities always want more material goods has come up just before the dogs, but the spirited dogs or soldiers are immediately necessary to fight for stuff--both what is already acquired and what has yet to be acquired. (Maybe it's all about oil! Who cares?) Thumos is partly a desire to defend ourselves and people, as well as things, that we care about. If we lack thumos, more thumotic people will take things away from us, so thumos is a necessity. Thumos seems essential for decent politics. Thumotic people who are on our side are good for our morale; giving them some satisfaction for their thumos keeps them loyal, and reinforces morale again. That's why Volokh may be correct that his desire to torture someone who rapes his child may be a sign that he is a decent person, not a monster. When people say 9/11 changed everything, they may mean they have re-discovered the need for thumos. We can't be wimps, we've got to be prepared to fight--even perhaps, to fight cruelly, both to satisfy ourselves and to "send a message." Aristotle says thumos is like a servant who hears instructions, but not all that well. Thumos isn't itself reasonable or objective--dogs can be very loyal to very cruel masters--and even with good training it is questionable how well it listens to reason. Insofar as ancient political philosophy defends the philosophic life against the spirited defence of mere opinion that is politics, it could be described as anti-thumotic, or skeptical of what the thumotic people say. The moderns if anything are more anti-thumotic--perhaps because they are more hopeful that politics can be rational. The whole notion of an impersonal state which is separate from religion or culture--a mechanism or tool which does certain things for us--is that it is largely free from passion. Even when it punishes, there should be nothing personal in it. The last man presumably has little or no thumos. If Bushies think it is deeply shameful not to fight back, and to think only of one's personal pleasure at a time of war, how far back are they going? One of Leo Strauss's lines was that Beccaria's advocacy of abolishing capital punishment was contrary to the letter, but faithful to the spirit, of Hobbes. Why would anyone agree to form a government if there is still a chance of being killed precisely by that government, which can have you completely at its mercy? Hobbes also discouraged torture. UPDATE: I guess I should have said somewhere: Volokh wants to get medieval on someone's ass. And so, I guess, do a lot of other people.
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